dinsdag, april 10, 2007

600 Vow to Fight ‘Orange Pest’ in St. Petersburg Times, 10 april 2007.

MOSCOW — About 600 young people gathered under imperial black banners on Triumfalnaya Ploshchad on Sunday as their leaders pledged support to President Vladimir Putin and vowed to fight an “orange revolution” in Russia.

The Eurasian Youth Union, a nationalist group whose chief ideologist, Alexander Dugin, has close ties to the Kremlin, had planned a march along Tverskaya Ulitsa, but city authorities only sanctioned the two-hour rally near Mayakovskaya metro station.

“We are supporters of the regime. We support Putin because he created the prerequisites for the rebirth of the nation,” Dugin told the rally. “We want guarantees that Putin will stay for a third term or secure the continuity of his course.”

The Eurasian Youth Union is seen as a Kremlin-backed project to divert youth political activism from the banned, oppositional National Bolsheviks, who demand that Putin resign. When the group was created last year, its leaders pledged to fight Western attempts to influence Russian politics.

“Russia should be strong and not crawling under the West,” Dmitry Zakharov, a rally participant, said Sunday.

Other participants said they had come to oppose the “orange pest,” referring to Western-backed opposition groups. Such groups played an important role in Ukraine’s Orange Revolution in 2004.

“National Bolsheviks want to monopolize street protests and the notion of civil society for themselves, and we want to show everybody today that we, too, are a part of civil society,” said Pavel Kanishchev, waving a black flag decorated with eight yellow arrows symbolizing Russia’s imperial expansion.

The rally began with a public prayer by an Orthodox priest, followed by a monarchic hymn sung by a bearded baritone wearing black garb.

Several participants who declined to give their names said they were not politically active and had come to Moscow because they had been offered a free bus ride.

“There are many people like us here, mostly students from vocational schools in Kovrov, Vladimir and other towns,” said a teenage girl with blue hair and a pierced nose. “I can’t wait for the boring stuff to end and go for a walk.”

St. Petersburg Times

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AN IMPERIAL EASTER in Kommersant, 10 april 2007.

About 700 members of the Eurasian Youth Union gathered in central Moscow on Sunday to hold the Imperial March, an Orthodox Christian demonstration, to promote the return of the Russian empire. Speaking at the demonstration, Aleksandr Dugin, the organization's spiritual leader, said participants were prepared to "fight for the sake of immortality" and called the United States the "kingdom of the anti-Christ." As in other protests, the city dispatched a large force of police and riot troops, though no arrests were reported.

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donderdag, april 05, 2007

Eurasia Vol. I n°2 : La Révolution conservatrice russe, 12/2006.

Semestriel de géopolitique de l'association "Les Nôtres"
Sommaire 12/2006 :
- Eurasia : Présentation
- Dossier Alexandre Douguine : La Révolution conservatrice russe
- Varia : Jean Claude Manifacier : Le Déracinement du Monde
- Texte retrouvé : Ernst von Salomon : Apprendre à mourir
- Eurasia : Lectures eurasiennes

Présentation d’Eurasia : Depuis une quinzaine d’années, une nouvelle idéologie politique a surgi dans la Russie post-soviétique. Bien qu’encore peu connue en Occident, cette doctrine s’est fortement développée et enrichie, se diffusant surtout parmi les élites russes mais aussi celles de "l’étranger proche" (principalement les républiques musulmanes anciennement soviétiques) et même en Europe, en Turquie, en Iran, etc. Cette nouvelle idéologie s’appelle l’eurasisme, et elle est inséparable de la figure de son fondateur, le philosophe et géopoliticien russe, Alexandre Douguine.

Le premier eurasisme fut fondé en 1920 par des intellectuels russes de l’émigration (N. Trubetskoy, P. Savitsky, N. Alexeiev, etc.). Ceux-ci affirmaient que l’identité russe était née d’une fusion originale entre les éléments slave et turco-musulman, que la Russie constituait un "troisième continent" situé entre l’Occident (dénoncé comme matérialiste et décadent) et l’Asie. Le livre-manifeste du mouvement était d’ailleurs intitulé Tournant vers l’Orient (Petr Savitsky, 1921). Les eurasistes se démarquaient des nationalistes classiques et des slavophiles. Sans être communistes, ils n’étaient pas opposés à l’expérience soviétique, qu’ils regardaient comme la continuation de l’idée impériale russe.

Dans le contexte strictement russe, l’eurasisme est une sorte de troisième voie située entre l’orientation pro-occidentale ultralibérale et la nostalgie du passé communiste, tout en évitant les excès démagogiques du populisme extrémiste et du nationalisme étroit. Douguine définit lui-même son mouvement comme un "centre radical" et comme "le premier parti géopolitique". Avec Douguine, l’eurasisme n’est plus une simple idéologie politique, c’est un système de pensée et une vision du monde.

En avril 2001, Alexandre Douguine a créé le Mouvement social politique pan-russe Eurasia, qui a donné naissance, en novembre 2003, à Moscou, au Mouvement international eurasien, conçu comme une ONG et représenté dans vingt-deux pays.

En avril 2001, Alexandre Douguine a créé le Mouvement social politique pan-russe Eurasia, qui a donné naissance, en novembre 2003, à Moscou, au Mouvement international eurasien, conçu comme une ONG et représenté dans vingt-deux pays.

Alexandre Douguine a trouvé des relais en France depuis le début des années 1990. Il est venu à de multiples reprises dans notre pays où il a participé à de nombreux colloques. Ses principaux écrits ont été traduits dans notre langue et diffusés sous la forme de livres et d’articles. Certains sont même accessibles sur la toile.

Lancé par une équipe en contact avec Alexandre Douguine depuis près de quinze ans, Eurasia s’est donné comme ambition de présenter au public francophone, à un rythme semestriel, les idées du géopoliticien russe et des autres idéologues de l’Eurasie, ainsi que de tous ceux qui ont rêvé à un Imperium grand-européen (Thiriart, Niekisch, Yockey, etc.).


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Ukraine on the brink of breakup door Expert in Vremya Novostei, 4 april 2007.

Watching the new political crisis in Ukraine unravel, Russian politicians and political experts are reminded of October 1993 and the Russia's use of force to dissolve the Supreme Council. Some experts believe that the neighboring country is on the brink of splitting up.

Alexander Dugin, leader of the International Eurasian Movement, "Civil war is underway in Ukraine, and it may lead to its splitting into at least two states. A compromise between Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych and President Viktor Yushchenko (and, consequently, between the East and West of the country) is exhausted. It is not certain whether eastern Ukraine will be ours, although, of course, it is more oriented towards Russia. Unfortunately, in recent years we have missed many changes in Ukraine and in other post-Soviet countries too."

Sergei Karaganov, chairman of the presidium of the Council for Foreign and Security Policy, "This was so predictable. This crisis has deep roots that have their origin in the heart of Ukraine's political system. Moreover, this crisis will be repeated over and over. The reason is that the Orange Revolution, on the one hand, brought about legitimate results (both political and moral), but on the other, it created a political system that was always susceptible to such crises. Any politician working in such a system will inevitably be pushed towards a crisis. I hope that Ukrainians, given their national character, will not end up shooting at each other, although we, their neighbors, did shoot in 1993."

Valery Fyodorov, CEO of the VTsIOM pollster, "The deepening in the crisis could have been foreseen. As for the outlook, the next parliamentary election, if it does take place, will not significantly change the balance of power. If there are any further changes, they will probably be toward further polarization of political power. However, the internal balance in each of the conflicting camps could alter. Viktor Yushchenko's bloc could finally cede its position in the Orange camp, while Yanukovych's position may weaken slightly among the white-and-blue, because being the prime minister, he had to make several unpopular decisions over the past year."

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On March 24, the authorities in the Russian city of Nizhny Novgorod brutally broke up an anti-government rally using riot police.

The Nizhny Novgorod rally was the third “March of the Discontents” organized by Other Russia, a coalition of opposition parties and groups have united into the “Other Russia” movement to protest the increasing power of Russian President Vladimir Putin. Other Russia’s leaders include Eduard Limonov, head of the leftist National-Bolshevik Party; former world chess champion Garry Kasparov, now leader of the United Civic Front; and former prime minister Mikhail Kasyanov, now leader of the People’s Democratic Party. The first rally was held in Moscow last December, and the second one took place in St. Petersburg in March. Each time the Kremlin ordered local authorities to ban the demonstration, while the opposition insisted on the constitutional right to have rallies wherever they wanted. The uncompromising stances of both sides led to street clashes between demonstrators and the police during all three rallies.

The Kremlin’s nervous reaction suggests that the Russian authorities fear a united front consisting of left-wing and liberal opposition forces. The opposition demands free elections, an end to the continued growth of payments for housing and utilities, and clamors for higher wages and pensions. This cocktail of demands could easily attract half of the Russian population if the opposition had access to major mass media sources like federal TV channels. The latest Levada Center poll shows that the popularity of Kasyanov, a possible candidate for the presidency in 2008, doubled in March -- from 3% to 6% -- despite an almost total media blackout. Few, if any, Russians listed Kasyanov as a potential candidate less than four months ago.

The Kremlin understands that the police alone are not enough to dampen the opposition. Therefore, it seeks a counter-ideology to discredit the anti-Putin forces in the eyes of the population.

On March 20, Alexander Dugin, leader of the International Eurasian Movement, held a press conference to announce that the movement would hold an "Imperial March" in Moscow on April 8. This idea was supported by Mikhail Leontiyev, a pro-Putin TV anchorman famous for blaming the United States for the massacre in Beslan, and by two Russian radical nationalist writers, Alexander Prokhanov and Maxim Kalashnikov.

Dugin said that the Imperial March was a reaction to the next March of Discontents, planned for April 14 in Moscow. "The Russian public dreams of marching towards the great state while the orange scum [a reference to the Orange Revolution in Ukraine] wants to take this opportunity away from us.” Using a derisive nickname based on rumors that Kasyanov demanded a cut to ratify any contract with the Russian government, Dugin continued: "Misha Two Percent and Kasparov, an insane chess player, hit our sorest point – Vladimir Putin" (Vek, March 21). At the same time, Mikhail Leontiyev called the Other Russia leaders "scamps who receive money from abroad and who pay fools to take part in demonstrations and complain" (Novy Region, March 20).

But according to Ludmila Alekseeva, head of the Moscow Helsinki Group, "In fact, there are not too many people who can be inspired by the ideas of the Imperial March in Russia, but this demonstration could attract several thousand people only if it has secret support from the authorities" (Interfax, March 20).

The Imperial March is not the only effort to counter the March of Discontents. On March 25, the pro-Kremlin Nashi Movement organized a political show in Moscow called "The President’s Liaison." That day about 15,000 activists, bussed to the Russian capital from all over the country, spread around the city asking passersby to complete a questionnaire. If a person agreed with the content of the questionnaire, a Nashi activist gave him a cell phone SIMM card that could be used to send messages to Putin. One of the questions in the questionnaire was whether the respondent agreed that moving away from Putin’s cause meant "dark times" for Russia and the seizure of power by puppets of the West and extremists.

Another question asked: "Can you exclude the possibility of a coup or foreign intervention initiated by Mikhail Kasyanov under the pretext of bringing NATO troops into Russia to guard nuclear facilities and oil and gas pipelines?" Those who filled out the questionnaire were also required to choose between "mighty Russia and a colony of the West" (Ekho Moskvy, March 25).

Officials have also tried to depict the opposition as agents of the United States. When the police broke up the Nizhny Novgorod rally, Sergei Popov, deputy head of Nizhny Novgorod region, said that the protest had been "sponsored by the United States and some European countries” (Interfax, March 24).

The ideological standoff of the opposition and the authorities has much deeper roots than just a struggle for votes before the upcoming parliamentary and presidential elections in Russia. The opposition and the Kremlin offer two competing visions of the future. One of them offers democracy and improved living conditions for ordinary people while the other calls for a new Soviet-style empire. Which path the Russian public chooses will be revealed very soon.

Eurasia Daily Monitor

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